A book more relevant now than ever. The result, however, is that the American immigration debate has been a one-way street. Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. If they don't, we boot 'em out. In 1990, just less than half of all Hispanics told the trusting Census Bureau that they were white.
For sensible leadership on immigration, we may have to depend on pro-immigrant conservatives like Newt Gingrich. As Brimelow points out, there is no example of a multicultural society that has lasted; many have disintegrated into racial and linguistic enclaves. Taking in so many unskilled workers and so many millions with no desire to share our American identity, we risk capsizing and sinking. One day, it could suddenly look down to find California or Texas cut off. American political rhetoric, by con- trast, certainly is often millenarian, right back to Common Sense, my fellow English immigrant Tom Paine's famous rationalization of the American Revolution. The 1970 Census, of course, was closest to the point at which the 1965 Immigration Act became effective.
Passel and Edmonston don't say. Your fellow huddled masses accept this treatment with a horrible passivity. Leftists, including the libertarian variety, will dismiss Brimelow as a racist; and are not advocates of the free market committed to the unhampered movement of people across artificially drawn political divisions? Be Like When Whites Are No Longer the Majority? But the double standards are irritat- ing. But I know from experience that it is not. But there's plenty more where that came from see Chart 9, page 51. It links individual and group, parent and child, past and future, in ways that reach beyond the rational to the most profound and elemental in the human experience. People habitually justify their immi- gration preferences in economic terms, but really they are moti- vated by a wide range of ethnic, moral and even psychological agendas.
The author says that the latest immigration wave consists of immigrants who are less educated, less skilled, and less likely to share American ideals, which he argues is a detriment to American culture. But his views on elites have a ring of truth. I've already given one reason. Brimelow skillfully deflates efforts by immigration advocates to minimize the significance of these figures. As Borjas sees matters, much of the gains that come from an increased number of workers go to the immigrants themselves; a good part of the remainder of the gains goes to capital by depressing the level of wages. This question greatly concerned Americans during the 1890- 1920 period that culminated in the First Great Wave.
Supreme Court rules immigration federal, not state, responsibility. As it turned out, however, this Baby Boom echo was quite muted. Rather, his argument against libertarian free-immigrationists takes this form: should you open the borders in the way you desire, you will destroy the free society that you advocate. As a result, there was no general recognition of the policy's profound effect as it subsequently oc- curred. Like a Chinese executioner's sword, the 1965 Immigration Act flashed through the American body politic so fast that nothing seemed to have been altered — until, after a pause, the country's head fell off. ThiSj of course, is an occupational hazard with democratic gov- ernment. Except for the 1965 Immigration Act.
Instead, it cuts right across nor- mal ideological lines, creating totally unexpected antagonisms and alliances. So it can be done. On a chart, it looks like a saw-tooth mountain range. For good or ill, the U. The View from the Tenth Circle 25 3. It has been the focus of enormous national concern.
They would remit monies to their families back home, a form of foreign aid far more efficiently targeted than any government-to- government grant. Some readers of this book when it was still in manuscript have told me that my view of human nature is pessimistic. Ab- solute numbers matter — absolutely. I regard her as a friend, and share her fascina- tion with free markets — a professional hazard for me as a financial journalist, like overdeveloped biceps for an arm wrestler. Pages are intact and are not marred by notes or highlighting, but may contain a neat previous owner name.
Comment on the environment in which you grew up; has it prepared you for these changes? Annual rate of gross legal immigration per thousand of U. But the immigration debate is peculiarly Libra terri- tory. But Cuban immigration since 1960 has been only about 650,000 — a fraction of the 19 million legal immigrants who have come to the United States since 1960. Anti-Catholicism is not a sentiment you often find in America today although you can get a whiff of it talking to abortion-rights and gay-rights activists. There are powerful taboos preventing it. Are my sentiments so different from the average American's? In at least two ways. For example, immigration could be lower.
For example, the Senate's hearings on the 1965 legislation pro- duced one unsung heroine: Myra C. Chart 1 does put the immigration enthusiasts' claim into some- thing like perspective. That's more than three times the growth rate of the First World's cities during industrialization in the nineteenth century. . They are expected to succeed by quickness of wit and whatever facts they can dredge or make up. In the re- cent past, the Bureau has proved too cautious. And that white nation was multiethnic only in the sense that a stew can be described as half-rabbit, half-horse if it contains one rabbit and one horse.